Radio Sputnik spoke about the anniversary of the Iranian revolution with Alexander Azadgan, professor of worldwide political economic system, senior geopolitical analyst and editor-at-large with Imperia Information
Sputnik: So what are the outcomes of this revolution? Are you able to share them with our listeners?
Alexander Azadgan: Certain, this revolution actually stirred the Center East like nothing has in a couple of centuries, really. It is invigorated the emotions that individuals felt all the best way, you may say, from Morocco to Pakistan, however particularly in Egypt, when Gamal Nasser got here to energy; he actually fanned the flames of pan-Arab nationalism.
Clearly, the Iranians are a special race, a special religion, however the Iranians have been the torch-carriers for the Shia sect of Islam, which has traditionally been the revolutionary component inside Islam, going all the best way again to the Prophet’s son-in-law, who was additionally his cousin.
His identify was Ali. So it modified not simply the geopolitical however additionally the socio-religious orientation of the Center East, and it actually reinvigorated political Islam.
Not like Christianity, Islam is definitely a really political faith, anybody who has studied it could admit to that. So one in all the outcomes, one in all the numerous outcomes of this faith is that it introduced Islam into the mainstream political dialogue that has been happening within the Center East for at the least 1,400 years, since the appearance of Islam itself.
Additionally, Iran demonstrated to the world that it’s going to arise to particularly, imperialists, what they outline as imperialism: the West, notably the US, and the rationale was not as a result of they’re anti- American or the character of the revolution was anti-American; it wasn’t, it was solely due to what occurred in 1953.
That they had a popularly elected authorities beneath Prime Minister Mosaddegh, what was actually behind Mosaddegh was the nationalisation of Iranian oil, and Mosaddegh actually stood up to the Shah — the King. After he was toppled by the US, really the operation was a CIA and MI6 operation carried out by means of Theodore Roosevelt’s grandson, a personality named Kermit Roosevelt II.
When Prime Minister Mosaddegh stood up to the Shah, he was really pulled down, then actually the anti-shah, anti-monarchy views actually (turned) invigorated and so they lastly manifested in 1979.
It was a violent revolution, it introduced just about everyone collectively, the Marxist-Leninists, the secularists, this crucial celebration known as the Iranian Nationwide Resistance Get together, which was the celebration of Prime Minister Mosaddegh that I discussed, and, of course, the clerical institution in Iran which at that point carried a number of respect due to the persecution that they skilled beneath the Shah’s father Reza Shah, the fashionable founding father of Iran, in the event you might.
Sputnik: I used to be going to ask you about the involvement with regard to Britain, being a really lively supporter of the revolution, what did the UK acquire from that then?
Alexander Azadgan: Now we have to watch out with that. The UK was not essentially a supporter of the revolution, they have been just about anti-shah as a result of you must perceive each the Shah and his father have been put into energy by the British, this can be a historic reality, however each of them the Shah’s father leaned in the direction of the Germans and the Austrians and the son, at least in the direction of the top of his rule, actually stood up to the British.
I imply his interviews are on YouTube and he’s talking the language of the revolutionaries, be it the secular revolutionaries or a Marxist, Islamist, or the clerical institution.
So from that perspective, and that is occurring proper now, by the best way. When Mohammed bin Salman, consider me, when he will begin standing up to the US he will be dethroned when he turns into the King.
So it was basically the identical scenario with the Shah; when he stood up to them and in addition Washington then they discovered legitimate causes to assist the forces that have been in opposition to him, however this occurred by default, not essentially by design.
So if we are saying that the UK was supportive of the revolution, from the stance of media, sure, the BBC, in the event you hearken to these broadcasts and so they’re obtainable on YouTube; you’d assume, you’ll assume they have been pro-revolution.
They simply occurred to be in opposition to the Shah, who at that point discovered his voice, discovered his character, discovered his anti-imperialist views regardless that he was put there by the imperialists themselves and he would’ve been, maybe, a harmful character for the West as a result of his motto was that he was going to make Iran the Germany of the Center East. So of course when a frontrunner turns into that impartial, however was put collectively in the primary place by the British or Individuals then it is the time for them to go, so that is the scenario.
So far as my tackle the Iranian-British relations at the moment, I used to be giving a lecture at a think-tank a couple of days in the past and I informed my viewers that no enemy or no ally stays endlessly, nothing stands endlessly.
Have a look at the connection between Britain and Iran in the 1920s, 30s and 40s. Iran was sternly anti-British. The Iranian oil firm was known as the Anglo-Persian oil firm, which advanced into what British Petroleum is at the moment.
The British took Iranian oil and the Individuals took the Saudi oil, it turned the Amoco firm. So a rustic like that, they’ve some points, however the Embassy’s again there and the relations are there, the diplomatic relations are stable. Similar factor with Russia. Russian and Iran have been on very dangerous phrases for many a long time, however Russia occurs to be an ally of Iran at the moment. So, in my opinion, the Iranian-British relations are okay, I would not say stable.
The views and opinions expressed by the speaker don’t essentially mirror these of Sputnik.